Review: The Top Table

You know how it is—you’re sitting alone with your loved one, staring at the darkness creeping up the walls, feeling the whisper-voice of anxiety at your ear, afraid to glance at your phone lest you find a BREAKING NEWS notification, afraid to read a book lest your mind strays and finds its way back to the memory-foam groove of current affairs, afraid to look outside lest Brexit itself manifest in living flesh and walk among us. This condition of yours becomes unbearable; you decide to medicate. You could bingewatch some show on Netflix. But it’s 2019 and you remember how too much screentime makes you feel all sticky and unwashed inside. A voice whispers to you from across the years, and remembrance of a most analogue pleasure comes flooding into your mind like the light of revelation: you decide to do a jigsaw. But it’s 2019 and analogue stimulation just isn’t enough to cut it these days, so you set the TV playing in the background—set to some safe, apolitical programme, a nature programme let’s say. You steer well clear of David Attenborough though, since you’re in too fragile a state really to bear the weighty load of corporate climate guilt. Countryfile, or something.

Picture it: You’re having a nice time, a time of total thoughtless oblivion. You’re on the home straight (the jigsaw straight), and you’re pretty much unable to get up until you find and fit every last piece. You need this, to finish the thing, to make it perfect, for just one thing to be perfect and finished and satisfying and complete. But now your programme winds up, and you begin a merciless slide into the passive consumption of whatever’s-on-next. After a few moments of laserlike focus on the hunt for a giraffe’s neck, the word Brexit breaks like a wave into your mindless state. You can feel your heartrate climbing. You keep your eyes trained down, hunting among the pieces. People are screaming at each other, screaming Remain and Leave. And through it all, the voice of Stephen Nolan loudly cuts. The remote has come to rest halfway across the room, thrown aside earlier with unaccountably reckless abandon. You devote all your energies to a wild search for pieces as the panic curdles in your gut once more.

Unfortunately for you, it is in precisely this way that you discover the existence of The Top Table. For the reader who has managed to avoid it, The Top Table is BBC NI’s latest venture in late-night political-talk television. The premise is this: on one side of the table, a straggle of under-21s from across the UK; on the other, a number of politicians/professional-talkers ranging from the obscure to the Jims Allister and Wells. A politician might also be beamed in from Westminster and the like. With Stephen Nolan playing the somewhat unlikely role of moderator, they sit round the eponymous table and debate the hot-button issues of the day. How fortunate that you’ve tuned in just in time for the very hottest of buttons on tonight’s Brexit Special edition.

The show begins and, just when you’re weighing up whether you can risk breaking your jigsaw-flow to make a lunge for the remote, just when you’re asking yourself  what exactly the point is of a programme exposing you to yet more political blather, Nolan happily elucidates. ‘This is the show that puts young people in the very heart of political debate in this country.’ It’s the show in which the youth of today get to ‘take the politicians to task’.

You discover very quickly that while yes, you can’t not take your hat off to the BBC for having unambiguously accomplished the putting of young people in the heart of the country’s political debate, that accomplishment is by no means the kindness they’d have you believe it to be. The debate in question is that eternal, flagellistic one, whose heart turns out not to be the sort of place you’d volunteer to go—the heart of something dark and swirling and malevolent. So The Top Table certainly succeeds in inducting this handful of poor, unelected unfortunates into the unrelenting firestorm that is what every discussion about Brexit must inevitably become. Or maybe it’s more like The Purge, but for words. The Top Table locks young people and politicians in a room together, and affably tells them, ‘Anything goes, there are no rules—but just for an hour. [Do with this information what you will].’ And they really maximise it, the young people, this opportunity to shout at politicians. Yes, lots of shouting gets done. Unfortunately, as you’ll rapidly discover, in no way is that the same thing as holding those politicians accountable.

Under the weight of these discoveries, it won’t take you long to slump exhausted to the floor, no longer able to lift a single piece of jigsaw, no longer able to tear your eyes away from the trainwreck on your screen; you wonder aloud: why would anybody ever agree to be on this programme?

And I suppose the answer is that the contestants on the show see The Top Table as the means by which to catapult themselves towards a career in journalism, or article writing, or mainstream politics, or professional-talking-on-the-news. Certainly, The Top Table seems to be setting itself up as the gateway to that kind of success. It extends to our contestants the promise of Thomas, Thomas-who-was-once-a-mere-contestant-and-is-now-a-serious-journalist, Thomas who is now to be seen conducting interviews on behalf of Stephen Nolan—this could be you, if you’re good enough. And what, you ask, does good enough mean? Happily again, Stephen will tell us. At the end of the programme, he commends the contestants for their performances, saying ‘you’ve been loud, you’ve been passionate and you know what you’re talking about.’

Consider the behaviours The Top Table is selecting for here. It has chosen from among a great mass of hopefuls four contestants who are loud, who are passionate, who hold tightly to rigid ideological doctrines and who are neither apprehensive nor ashamed to use every rhetorical trick in their rhetorical trickbox to score cheap and petty victories over their opponents. The Top Table rewards young adults for being good at the dirtiest type of political discourse: the type that shouts interlocutors down, that wouldn’t be seen dead listening to someone from the rival camp unless it’s to watch with beady eye for an opportunity to dodge—riposte!—fire one of their slightly-off-topic-but-pre-prepared-debate-winners. Success here means knowing how expedient the cheap shot can be. It means knowing that answering a direct question can expose you, and that it is good to refuse to do so.

All this is just the nature of the game that has been constructed for our generation. We’ve seen the Internet, we know how it’s done. When you’re constantly under threat of interruption or irrelevance, it is imperative that you pre-package your words, that you hone your beliefs into positions and then into projectiles, designed for maximum impact. It’s a style of play modelled by one side of the table, and taken up by the other. On The Top Table as everywhere else, you must score points rather than discuss views.

I’ve been calling these young people contestants because it’s impossible to get around the fact that The Top Table feels like a gameshow. It wouldn’t feel at all out of place if points were dished out at the end, if celebratory fanfares began to sound, if a contestant gasps in mock-surprise, shaking hands with her rivals before being told she’ll be jetting off on the next flight for Westminster to work an all-expenses-paid internship with the BBC.

I know there’s nothing new about this, I know this is just what political discourse looks like now, I know we’re all used to it. But the distinctive sin of this particular programme is to put it all in the mouths of young people, of people not so much younger than me, and to reward them for it. There’s something deeply disturbing about discovering that this sort of behaviour isn’t just the special domain of politicians, about watching in horror as people who ought to see all that as fake and counterproductive likewise shuck off all vestiges of authenticity, so as to better run the race they’re given to run. To know that they know it’s a game; to see they already know how to play it.


The central premise of the show is that the youth of today have voices which are just as valid as those belonging to the political class. And I mean, ok. But what becomes astoundingly, violently clear in the course of this episode is that yes, politicians exist for a reason—they are more knowledgeable about politics and the people of their own constituencies than their youthful opponents. Let that be a lesson for us when next we denounce the political establishment.

In many ways, the programme is set up to address the question of authenticity. ‘These politicians,’ it cries, ‘they don’t know what the man on the street is about. What really matters to the youth of today?’ And you’d think that if authenticity is what we’re after, the young adults would have it in spadefuls more than the politicians. What’s startling is that the reverse is true. Our (English) contestants make appeals to ‘Irish blood’ and ‘Scottish blood’, or their ‘Irish Catholic heritage’ to give themselves rhetorical license to speak knowledgeably about Ireland or Scotland. Another contestant can tell us what Northern Ireland wants, because, as she says, she grew up during the Troubles. They invoke these sacred liturgies in the hope of summoning up the Will of The People in aid of their cause. Without authenticity it all devolves into clichés by the hour’s end. ‘Without democracy there is only tyranny,’ is the impassioned plea of one contestant. New lows are reached when, using his final opportunity to speak, a contestant chooses only to repeat wholesale the infamous slogan, ‘Let’s get Brexit done.’

Across the table, the politicians find themselves commanding authenticity much more easily, and can even be seen to defer to the experience of others better informed. Anna Soubry, for example, tells us that the Johnson Brexit deal is ‘really bad for the future, if I may say, of Ireland, in my opinion.’ These are the sorts of qualifications that are admirable and important to make—to show she self-consciously lacks the authority, experience, knowledge and, yes, authenticity to make pronouncements about Ireland. A lot of that can be chalked up to the maturity a venerable politician might hope to have developed over a long political career. Regardless, it’s something you will not find on the other side of the table.

There’s a particular moment of schadenfreude when one of our random dudes summons up the optimism to challenge Ms Soubry about what her constituents might think about her now-independent status. Watching her pull rank and slap that boy down felt good, like how I imagine kicking the cat would feel.

If I’m a little uncomfortable writing that last line, that’s the point—The Top Table takes the gladiatorial brawl political debate has now become and turns it into a bloodsport. It hands the captive Christians a sword and points them in the direction of some metalbound juggernaut swinging a morning star. The crowd, naturally, goes wild.

It’s political theatre, basically. We judge our politicians based on their rhetorical performances—we shake our heads in embarrassment when they are caught wrongfooted, we cheer at particularly impressive slapdowns. In as much as the show wants to make sport out of taking aim at our politicians and letting young people dunk them in the gunge, in as much as the show wants to make sport out of locking our politicians in a cage and watching them take bites out of each other, I say fair enough. They’ve managed to get themselves elected; they’re used to this game. But The Top Table flips the script, and that’s what’s uncomfortable. The young people who’ve made themselves contestants on this show are now set on that same stage. They’re naïve, they’re not experienced entertainers, and we still want them to perform, to dance for us, to cover all the songs that make us want to dash our heads against the nearest wall. The joy of seeing a particularly awful politician humiliated, dispatched by quick wits in debate, now becomes the twisted pleasure of seeing particularly annoying and vocal members of the young citizenry kicked about by experienced politicians, and by each other. It’s a strange game when it becomes about which politician has the good sense to pull their punches.

Even Stephen Nolan, who has made a career out of shouting people down, gets a bit uncomfortable about all this. At one point he reprimands Edwina Currie for belittling one of the contestants. At another he stops the debate altogether to make a plaintive plea, ‘Can we not have a conversation around this table without screaming at each other?’ Butter does not melt; there is no hint of irony.


What can move us beyond our impasses and red lines? Can the unifying fabric of society be restored between people who have separated themselves to ideological extremes? These are the questions we think of as being most important at this socio-political juncture. I had thought people broadly accepted that the answers to those questions had something to do with thoughtful consideration of another’s viewpoint, refusing to vilify your interlocutors, building relationships across the gulf(s), etc.

Another formulation of these questions might be: what possible merit can there be in creating cultural structures which reward those among the upcoming generation who most readily conform themselves to the cookie-cutter mould of extreme, monochromatic ideology? Does ‘getting the youth engaged in politics’ mean beckoning them inevitably into the same old, loud, rigid camps? I can say this for The Top Table—it surely offers us some answers.

The Top Table will next appear on your screens at the end of the month, and the Brexit Special is available on BBC iPlayer. If you’re of the opinion that what we really need is another hour of people screaming invective at each other, if you enjoy that feeling of teetering on the brink of an imminent toxic apocalypse, or if you just need to harness stress as fuel to finish your jigsaw at double speed, I’d commend it to you.


This review was written in a time before Brexit had been got done.

The Good Ship Progress

The rest of the world and I are growing apart. It’s like being a raft, drifting for a while in the pull of a great steamliner – now separated by the widening waters, watching the other cut its path ever onwards through great waves, making Progress.

For the longest while I thought we all shared a vessel, and I had only lazy half-thoughts about our bearing, presuming the wind to be in our sail. Now I realise that some are locked full ahead, and I see the watery expanse opening up between us as I become ever more sceptical about the navigatory logic which derived their setting.

In coming to discuss morality in politics and law, I hold up two hands. In one rests the idea that people are accountable to God for the extent to which they live within his definition of what is good and right. In the other, the idea that people ought not to be prevented from doing whatever on earth they want to do, so long as it doesn’t cause harm to others. You may detect a potential for discord.

Hand the First: Colours to Mast

Uncurl my fingers and peer at the idea nestling within: God is the comprehensive reality. He has brought reality into being, and ordered it. God has the only canon definition of what is good and of what is ungood, and this applies to everyone and everything.

Consider for a moment that belief in this God, the LORD, is belief in a Creator who cares about right and wrong, who is passionately committed to upholding the oppressed and the lowly, and to reversing the fortunes of the downtrodden. I believe in this God who has made firm purpose to bring about the end of all injustice and to bring low those who perpetuate oppression and wrongness. I believe in a God who has enough compassion to walk among us and be moved, and to spend himself in the service of those who need him – binding wounds, embracing the excluded, bringing satisfaction to the drifting soul. I believe in this God who gave himself to his executioners as our substitute, and who was raised from the dead to show us that there is hope for one day being gloriously, truly fixed.1

And so, as a direct consequence, I believe in the importance of striving to improve the lives of others, to ensure just societal systems which look after those who have less, and to ensure that all people are able to live their lives as much as possible without the interpolation of harm.

Goodwill towards men is only half the picture. I believe in the importance of living however this God requires me to live, in the beauty of the morality which Jesus exemplifies, and of striving to meet his standard of what is good and just and right. That includes seeing every life as a particular, significant, sacred creation, every body as a dignified, holy space, intentionally set apart for God – to experience his presence within and without. If this is what my body is, then it matters what I do with it. I hold sex as sacred – a holy rite of marriage. I hold marriage as sacred – a holy duty of love to help us understand how Christ loves his bride, and how we should love Christ in return. I hold all life as sacred – all people as valuable, worth helping and protecting. These beliefs are core to me, even as my behaviour frequently falls far short of the standard they anticipate (thus, the Gospel).2

Hand the Second: the Liberal Yang

A moral way of living exists, and it places the same demands on me as on you.

But it’s also important for me to recognise that not everyone believes that. Many people don’t believe in my God, for one. Many people don’t believe that a universal moral legislation exists. Probably many today would stare blankly at the notion of holiness or of the sacred. A relatively negligible slice of the planetary population (i.e. the Church) agree a core morality, hold other issues with a looser grasp, and differentiate their moral formulations by nuance.

It follows, therefore, that not everyone ought to be legally/societally accountable to the moral standard I believe exists. See now centred in my second palm a liberal yang to the moral yin: if you don’t accept the demands of Jesus on your life, if you honestly don’t consider your body to be sacred, why should you be prevented from living in whatever manner you choose?

Of course, this does not negate the existence of such a transcendent moral standard, nor does it mean that one can escape the consequences of rejecting God and choosing what is unholy over what is holy. God’s Way is not morally relative. But since human law is to uphold justice for all folk alike, it ought not to enforce legal accountability on people for the beliefs of some. Living according to God’s standard ought to only be undertaken by those who have signed up to live as subjects of his Kingdom, and ought only to be enforced within the Church.

These two hands flow around each other, a yin and a yang, a horrific mixed metaphor, a perfect sphere with just a little bit of friction – causing the whole thing to judder embarrassedly every so often.

In real life, holding the yin and the yang most frequently manifests in a silent, unobserved choice to live in a way different from those around me (i.e. intoxication, sex outside of marriage). Occasionally it manifests in a vote (i.e. advocating for legally allowing people (who are outside the Church) to do what they want to do with their bodies).

Meanwhile, the Republic of Ireland holds a referendum to see its Constitution’s 8th Amendment repealed, revoking legal provision for a foetus to be recognised as having a right to life equal to that of its mother.

Rhetoric hurtles and spatters and eats away at lampposts.

The yang judders.

The hand-sphere wobbles inelegantly.

Frictionful are the times.


A Dichotomy of Rights

The pro-abortion rhetoric of ‘just a clump of cells’ that I was taught about in school was conspicuously absent in the ROI referendum campaign; the rhetoric of ‘an unwanted intruder in my sovereign bodily territory’ was much more common.3 If the foetus is seen as a trespasser within the sovereign territory of a person’s body, then we’re thinking in terms of a dichotomy between the preferences, goals and rights of woman and those of foetus. Where there is a dichotomy of rights, there are two sides of a story. When it comes to abortion, it seems that only one side of that story is worth talking about. It seems as though large swathes of populations decide, in a way that makes out as though it is morally obvious, that a woman’s right to autonomy is far more significant than a foetus’ right to life, that bodily autonomy is the prime moral good.

What I’m wondering: why is this crusadeable upon? How come this approach to abortion has become so obvious that it’s now a moral imperative? It seems far from obvious to me. Rather, it seems to me a bizarre subversion of typical morality, in which the right to autonomy acquires a greater emotive pull than the right to life. From whence comes the righteous zeal, the indignation, the contemptuous-obviosity which blinds large numbers of people to the complexity of a contentious moral issue?

A Complete Capacity for Self-Actualisation requires Abortion, or An Unwieldy but Functional Subheading

Here in the West, the spirit of the age whispers in our ear that a meaningful life is attained by self-actualisation through individual expression. Anything that hinders the pursuit of this goal is repressive and regressive, and ought to be cut out.

If self-actualisation is prime, it is achieved by self-assertion, and ruthlessly. If we are to be fulfilled, we need to achieve a perfect unity of what is true on the inside with what is true on the outside. We need to enact ourselves, an enterprise which is thoroughly self-oriented, and inevitably locks us in competition with one another.4

A particularly odious manifestation of this is in the modern relationship. Love is lost as relationships become about the continued propagation of happiness and pleasure. Once a partner fails to maintain felicity, they can be dropped, fairly.

Another is in the moral superiority of a married person ‘coming out’ as opposed to staying ‘closeted’. The logic here is that living closeted is an evil since it is an untrue representation of the self. It is superior to ‘come out’ (i.e. not just to disclose one’s orientation to one’s spouse, but to leave said spouse in pursuit of other sexual relationships) even if destruction is wrought, because to do otherwise is to live a lie. And so men tear their marriages and families apart for the sake of individual expression, sacrificing the higher good of others, their wellbeing, and communal unity for the gratification of self-oriented desires.

Boil it all for long enough, and it reduces down to this:

if x prevents me from self-actualisation,

then it is within the bounds of appropriate behaviour to ensure x is nullified

Substitute x for pregnancy and we can see how an interminable pregnancy becomes a matter of oppression.

Disallowing pregnancy termination restricts a woman’s right to self-determination in a critical domain of life, making irreversible a transformation which carries irrevocable weight and change. There is a horror in being locked into a nine-month biological morph, followed (most of the time) by a seismic and lifelong personal, social, economic, vocational, etc, shift. To restrict a woman’s right to choose abortion restricts her autonomy to make meaningful self-determinational decisions. A desire to affirm and facilitate such a capacity in law and policy follows naturally. As women have been forbidden from self-determination and autonomy in social domains since time immemorial, we feel compelled on moral grounds to affirm and fight for their right to choose in this most particular of moral subject matters.

But life is growing inside life, and it all gets complicated quickly. Decisions made about one’s own body no longer just implicate the self. The rights and desires of the self come to a hard stop against the needs of another.

This is when things start to boggle.

Usually, the morality of a liberal society is defined by a) not doing harm to others, b) ensuring all are treated fairly, and c) ensuring all are not oppressed.5 With abortion, c has massively overtaken and outweighed a. Concern for oppression totally eclipses concern for harm. One way this manifests is in denying harm altogether (foetuses can’t feel pain, therefore abortion is ok). The other is in the simple prioritisation of adult oppression over foetal harm (a lack of bodily autonomy for an adult is a more grievous loss than a lack of life-potential for a foetus).

The Abortional Crusade for a Self-Actualised Existence

So it becomes a matter of weighing the freedoms and autonomies that an abortion provides against the right of a foetus to be given time to develop into a significant enough life to save.

Many resolve this conflict by exalting the role of easy access to abortion to that of an essential human right. For advocates, abortion can be not just permissible, but a good in and of itself – a body-positive, feminist, throwing-off-the-shackles-of-patriarchal-oppression act. The heavy preference for self-actualisation over all other concerns is manifested in people who ‘love [their] abortion’, for whom abortion is merely a convenient measure lightheartedly taken in order to retain the job they like, avoid a responsibility they feel unready for, and to not be tied to a man they have cooled towards.6

In my opinion, this is how the causal relationship works – abortion is believed to be positive, and then (as a result) abortion is believed to be harmless.

In life generally, we expect our behaviour to be shaped by our beliefs. Oftentimes however, this causal relationship is reversed and our (desired/actual) behaviour moulds the content of the beliefs which (ought to) underpin them. This is, unfortunately for rationality, how our beliefs work most of the time. It’s known as motivated reasoning.7

When logic and argument are constrained by internal pressures to the necessity of arriving at a conclusion which enables the thinker to live the life they want to live without dissonance – this is motivated reasoning. Our embodied existence allows us to nullify any significant intellectual/moral barrier which conflicts with our chosen course of action/belief.

If I am oppressed, then that oppression suddenly becomes endowed with much more moral heft than any concern with harm to an abstract, other, not-self person. What is at stake in abortion for many people is nothing less than the meaning of life itself (i.e. self-actualisation). If pregnancy and parenthood are seen as inhibiting my self-actualisation, then there is a juggernaut of a motivation for me to arrive at a moral conclusion which not only nullifies my objections to abortion, but which affirms my choice to have an abortion as an exercise of sacred bodily autonomy.

The dichotomy of rights makes all of this easier to swallow, and simplifies abortion as a social policy. The woman is inarguably a matured life who has consciousness, feels pain, suffers, and has all the defining criteria of human. The foetus has, at least, fewer of these. Women are capable of being vocal, of organising and protesting, of becoming a political force to be reckoned with, of mobilising a moral crusade in order to legislate for the protection of their rights. Foetuses, obviously, can do none of these things. So if we have to choose between an entity to protect, it makes logic to protect the life that is obviously human in preference over the life that is ambiguously human. It’s also politically and morally expedient to shift from the question of what is true to the question of what is obvious. I suppose this is the foundation upon which has been built the unquestioned moral consensus that the rights of a woman are in all cases superior to the rights of a foetus. And when abortion is an unquestioned moral good, moral consensus becomes moral crusade. Safeguarding foetal rights means denying female rights. The dichotomy deepens.

In this situation, it’s easiest to nullify all concern for harm done to another by logicking away the existence/significance of the existence of that other. It is easy to make oppression the primary concern, and easy to brush harm good and far under the rug.

A Pact with Moral Relativism

My simple contention is that abortion is not a domain in which a right to self-determination ought to be the prime relevant concern.

The barest fact we can assert uncontroversially is that significant debate exists over whether a foetus constitutes a significant enough life to not kill. If so, then supporting a woman’s right to make a personal, subjective determination about whether or not to have an abortion is upholding a fundamentally relativist worldview, where individuals ought to choose (based on subjective, internal criteria) between facts, to decide what is real and true for themselves.

In other issues of life and death, we accept that while a person may make a judgement about the ethics of terminating the life or shortening the life-potential of another, they are held to account by a wider truth – that it may be wrong, and punishable to do so.8

There’s a hypocrisy in being outraged at a post-truth (conservative) political landscape, and then demanding the reification of its underpinning assumptions (truth is intrinsically personal, not external) in order to support a woman’s right to choose. We abhor the dismantling of objective truth and the dismissal of moral imperatives, but demand the inalienable right to define what is good and what is wrong on our own terms, when it comes to something closer to the bone.9

As someone who believes in an external moral reality, I think that promoting a choose-your-own-reality approach is reckless. I think it’s especially irresponsible in this (at-least-maybe) life and death issue. Promoting such an approach in a context in which the decision makers (women) are in situations which often provide motivation for them to decide the ethical quandary in a particular, materially favourable way is irresponsibiler still.

Just as the morality of men towards sexual coercion fluctuates when aroused10, so too may the morality of women bend when facing down massively life-changing life changes, and a path to mitigate them. This is not the controlled environment in which we would like to find ourselves when deciding what constitutes life and death.

The Crooked Path

You’ll have picked up by now that I think abortion ought not to be considered an obvious and unalienable human right, nor an unambiguous social good. One of my reasons why is that abortion-on-demand seems to stem from this preoccupation with the concerns of the self over the concerns of the other. It says, in essence, ‘My right to the life I want is greater than your right to a significant existence’.

To me, this is not a mark of social progress, but a manifestation of what is wrong with our petty species. The natural condition of people is to perceive from a prior occupation with the self, since all of our moralities are refracted first through the prism of the self.

This is opposite to the moral ideal. The good and true and right way to live is to give ourselves up for one another. The true and new human way is to lay down the self for the sake of others.

We find this beautiful, when we are in a position to be honest with the truth. Literature is full of the ache of the heart at the glimpse of the beauty of a person dying or living for the sake of another. It’s beautiful too in marriage – where we continually choose to prefer the other in all decisions, to step outside of the matrix of self-oriented decision-making, to give up career trajectories and experiences and parts of who we are to better love another person.

This is the trail blazed most beautifully by Jesus. To be God Himself, who spoke reality into existence, and then to come to live among us as a tradesman, to wash feet, to be hated and mocked and tortured and executed by the talking ape-monkeys, all because he loves us with a burning love, he delights in us, and wants to wash us clean of our filth and bring us tenderly to him. Jesus chose to act and teach and live in ways that limited himself, harmed his interests, destroyed his life, for the sake of those who hated him.11

This is the peculiar glory of God. It is achingly beautiful, and that beauty is reflected in self-binding, a splendid mirror of Christ our LORD. Our fatal condition is that the massive bulk of the self utterly eclipses it.

So, yes – for the Christian this means laying down one’s life for the life of a child. And for the non-pregnant Christian, how much more should we lay down our lives for the lives of women in difficulty and crisis, and for children? This means mobilising the resources and the love of the Church to a) extend non-judgemental compassion to women, b) provide for them, help them so that they are economically, socially, emotionally, etc, capable of raising a child. The Church, I think, needs to become more feminist – by ensuring that women don’t carry all of the burden of pregnancy by reason of their biology. Let this be our response to the beauty, the glory, and the grace of our LORD.


Liberal Yang Rising

In the spirit of not imposing minority religio-ethical beliefs, it is surely right to make provision for abortion in (at least) limited cases. In Northern Ireland, the highly particular beliefs of a non-majority prevent women from accessing abortions for reasons which aren’t ambiguously moralled (e.g. where the child will be born without an essential body part, as so is certain not to survive).

Arguing from the minimal case, if abortion at least raises significant moral concerns among a significant portion of people, societies ought to be cautious with it. We can all concede that it is at least arguable (evidenced by the existence of argument) that abortions oppose the safeguarding of vulnerable lives. In an ambiguous ethical dilemma, we surely ought to enshrine protection for these lives rather than extending more bodily autonomy to adults (in a case in which these may be mutually exclusive, and in which we are being cautious).

I think this is a pretty okay case for abortions to not be normalised as a typical healthcare procedure and so taken lightly, and for abortions to not be available on demand for any reason, despite these foundations in a God-centric worldview.

Consensus on Abortion is not Consensus on Ideology

So the questions become: is it irresponsible to liberalise abortion policy where this significant debate still persists? Oh, and does significant debate still persist?

When it comes to Ireland’s Referendum, the Yes vote was received as a moral victory for Ireland, a triumph for Progressivism’s continuing conquest over regressive, backwards attitudes.

The facts about why people voted Yes remain, as ever, under the fog of political bias. I’ve heard (from sources who believe freely available abortion is a moral imperative and a human right) that 70-something% of people voted Yes because they believed that women have a right to choose whether or not to have an abortion. I’ve also heard (from sources who believe that abortion is morally wrong) that 48% of people voted Yes because they wanted Irish women to be able to have abortions in the so-called ‘hard cases’ (i.e. rape and pregnancies in which the foetus is not likely to survive outside the womb).

Whatever the truth may be, the referendum result was taken to signify that an overwhelming majority of Irish people believed that abortion ought to be freely available to all women, for any reason. While the referendum surely demonstrated that an overwhelming majority of Irish people believed that abortion ought to be legalised, it did not demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of Irish people held to one particular moral ideology.

But anyway, a vote to legalise abortion was conflated with a vote to affirm that free access to abortion for any reason is a moral imperative and a human right. Which means, under this worldview, that a vote to legalise abortion was a referendum on whether Irish people like women, trust women, value women as part of society.12 The Irish government embraced it in this way, as did the hashtagliberalfakenewsmedia.13

We have arrived, friends, at my real and true beef: the moral triumphalism at the heart of the Progress narrative.

(The ships are a metaphor)

The great steamliner I have detached myself from is the good ship Progress. On board, a story is told about the exploits of the brave heroes Science and Liberalism, who mercilessly conquer, slay and generally have done with the savage cults of Regressivism and Superstition. Our heroes are waging a successful campaign, slowly transforming the West into a better place to live, a more tolerant, individual, free society. Science and Liberalism open the minds of the people in their fair star-spangled country, who consequently become Enlightened and finally do away with their base religious thinking and all that nasty backwards moral stuff, and at last recognise that the perfection of our species is within our grasp – a powerful, relativist utopia in which everyone gets to do whatever they want and self-actualise and achieve perfect, satisfied, self-fulfilment. Every time the story is told, the people on board cheer heartily, and sing wistfully for the consolation of their Utopia.

I think the good ship Progress is not going further, farther, upwards, onwards – it’s just going. It is like, as Dostoyevsky once said, the building of a crystal palace – a hopeless, groundless dream of a pure society of perfect tolerance, perfect pluralism and unhindered individual expression. Not only is it unattainable, but it is an endeavour riddled with sin from start to finish – not because tolerance and individual expression aren’t good, but because we have made them, in service to self, the primary good. Our grandest designs are for a glorious new Babylon shaking its fist at God, built and pursued from behind the blindfold of self-absorption.

We need wisdom to recognise with the Ancients before us that humankind is blighted by an unassailable bent towards nothing good. When we put self first, toxic pride and injustice and destruction follow after.

This human condition of ours places Isles of Enchantment in the encircling seas of human capacity. Valinor exists, but the horizon has been rounded. We will not reach it by force of will, or technological might, or the spread of liberal enlightenment.

An enhanced capacity to indulge our self-orientism will neither satisfy nor heal us. It will leave us dry and empty. Self-binding love is the way that satisfies – not for its own sake, but following after the God who bound himself beautifully for us.

If Jesus had taught in our age, he might well have paraphrased himself thusly, ‘Whoever wants to save their bodily autonomy will lose it, but whoever loses their bodily autonomy for my sake will find it’.


Note on references: Where I use scientific theories or principles, I am often applying a principle to a situation by reasoning and imagination. Please feel free to consider everything which does not have a reference attached to be opinion, or informed opinion.

References:

1: For God’s passion for justice and his demands on us for justice, see Deuteronomy 16:20, Isaiah 1:17, Amos 5, 1 John 3:17-18, James 1:27. For Jesus exemplifying this, see Isaiah 53, Luke, 11:39-42, Luke 14: 15-24. For justice as a theme running through Scripture, see The Bible Project’s video, Justice (https://tinyurl.com/y7a4svsv).

2: For God’s demand for his people to be holy, see Romans 12: 1-2, 1 Peter 1:15-16, as well as, y’know, the entirety of Hebrew Scripture.

3: I’d recommend a BBC documentary called ‘The Fight for Women’s Bodies’ (https://tinyurl.com/y7wo7fac) and subsequent article (https://tinyurl.com/y8zvkqgk) – pay attention to the language which surrounds the abortion debate. Also ‘Yes’ campaign websites are useful here (e.g. My Body My Choice, found at https://tinyurl.com/yb272q6l), though they don’t contain pictures of all of the rhetoric . Googling for posters/social media posts is a good idea.

4: For the role of self in the West and a discussion of issues surrounding post-modern culture’s interaction with the idea of God, see The Great Mystery, (McGrath, 2017).

5: See The Righteous Mind (Haidt, 2012), and accompanying website (https://www.moralfoundations.org). Also Graham, Haidt & Nosek, 2009 (https://tinyurl.com/nu6p4nm).

6: I’m referencing and quoting from Hadley Freeman’s article published in The Guardian in June 2018 (https://tinyurl.com/y8fphhyg). See also an article published in the same by Eva Wiseman (https://tinyurl.com/jgf2xlq).

7: For a chapter on motivated reasoning, see Ditto, Pizarro & Tannenbaum, 2009 (https://tinyurl.com/ya8f4kc6).

8:  For example, the illegality of euthanasia (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/7698636.stm).

9: I’m talking here about the rhetoric of ‘legalising abortion is trusting women to make their own healthcare decisions’ (e.g. https://tinyurl.com/z9yvfuj).

10: For the highly troubling study in full, see Ariely & Loewenstein, 2006 (https://tinyurl.com/yaqmedwm).

11: For Jesus’ radical selflessness, see Isaiah 53, Romans 5: 6-11, Ephesians 5: 25-30, Philippians 2: 5-11, 1 John 3: 16-18.

12: For example, Fintan O’Toole’s article in The Guardian, published in May 2018 (https://tinyurl.com/yaap5gcl). Here’s a bit of a relevant quote from it, ‘Women, in the intimate circles of family and friends or in the harsh light of TV studios, said: “This is who I am. I am one of you.” And voters responded: “Yes, you are.”’

13: For example, The Guardian’s reporting on the referendum result, opening with the quote, ‘Ireland has voted by a landslide to repeal its near-total ban on abortion, an extraordinary victory for women’s rights that seals the country’s transformation from bastion of religious conservatism to one of Europe’s most tolerant democracies.’ Also Taoiseach Leo Varadkar’s statement is reported within (https://tinyurl.com/y7kcd6y8).

The Gospel of Trump: America First

“The bible tells us how good and pleasant it is when God’s people live together in unity…When America is united, America is totally unstoppable.”
– President Donald J Trump

(All quotes from the USA Inauguration Ceremony on 21/01/2017).


At Trump’s Inauguration, the nuPresident and co. laid out to us a fresh gospel: that America is favoured by God, and her denizens are piously following some divine national mandate towards ‘greatness’.

Consider the opening quote.

  • First, Psalm 133: “The bible tells us how good and pleasant it is when God’s people live together in unity”.
  • Next, political vision: America should “pursue solidarity” to become “unstoppable”.

Possible interpretations:

  • God likes unity -> being unified will make America (militarily, economically) strong.
  • God’s people live in unity -> America ought to live in unity -> God approves of this -> therefore America will be unstoppable.

The logical rub

If God wants His people (the church) to live in unity, that has absolutely zero logical connection with the strength of America. Let us now give Donald the benefit of the doubt: he’s maybe just stretching the bounds of logic and extolling the universal virtues of unity, all while giving the rhetorical equivalent of a shout-out to his Christian fanbase.

The problem is that in speeches, placement matters. It’s hard to escape the conclusion that by connecting Scripture and his (somewhat fascist) plea for strength by unity so closely, Trump is attempting something more. He’s weaving a subtle story into the foundations of his speech.

The narrative woven

That story is this: God has a particular affinity for America. Consequently, God will elevate and protect America and make its will irresistible on the world stage. Americans, with Trump as their exemplar and prophet, are automatically favoured in God’s eyes and ought to help other peoples to become more like them.

In three sentences, Trump covers a lot of narrative ground. He’s endowing his ideology with some semblance of divine authority. He’s blurring the lines between a separate, holy people dedicated to God, and a separate, superior people dedicated to their own national elevation. He’s smuggling in the notion that he will guide America in continuing some vague holy quest and help it fulfil some equally vague (but inherently righteous) destiny.

This is but one example of how Trump distorted the message of the Bible on Inauguration Day for political gain. So here are a few extra-biblical things the inauguration crew tried to convince us of:

1. America is God’s one favoured nation, and the promises of God given to his followers belong to all Americans.

“We will be protected by the great men and women of our military and law enforcement. And most importantly, we will be protected by God.” – President Trump

Trump: America and Americans can expect protection as a simple part of the deal of being American.

“We are a blessed nation with a rich history of faith and fortitude with a future which is filled with promise and purpose…In every generation you have provided the strength and power to become that blessed nation.” – Paula White

Trumpette: God is making a personal effort to prosper America because he likes it more than other countries.

Bible: The point of the New Testament is that by the blood of Jesus, people from all countries and races are radically transformed and brought into eternal unity with God to become part of the only nation of lasting consequence, the only blessed nation – God’s (Revelation 7: 9-17). In light of this, America is just like any other country – transient, and part of the backdrop rather than part of the play. So…no, America is not special.

2. Trump and his fellow Americans are righteous in God’s eyes and are called to/are achieving the Christian standard of godliness.

“God blesses those who are humble, for they will inherit the earth…He blesses those who are pure in heart, for they will see God…God blesses those who are persecuted for doing right, for the Kingdom of Heaven is theirs.” – Samuel Rodriguez (Matthew 5:3-11)

Trumpist: All Americans should aspire to be righteous in God’s sight. By attempting to be corporately humble, or pure in heart, or stoic in the face of hostility, Americans can access the promise and favour and protection of God.

The prob: Rodriguez aims these verses at the American public, suggesting that Americans are somehow capable of being morally superior on their own, and so winning the moral highground in the superpower-sweepstakes.

Bible: I think that Jesus’ point in this piece of Scripture is that it is basically impossible to live up to God’s standard of righteousness – it’s only by accepting His death and resurrection on our behalf that we can be counted righteous in God’s eyes. The only beatitude which all Americans should try to follow is the first one, “God blesses those who are poor and realise their need for him, for the Kingdom of Heaven is theirs“. Only by recognising our need for God and by turning to Him are things like humility and righteousness possible. In sum, being American does not entitle you to a unique path to righteousness which bypasses faith in Jesus Christ.

3. Because America is exceptional and favoured by God, it ought to make other countries more American with a gospelic urgency.

“For you are the light of the world—like a city on a hilltop that cannot be hidden. No one lights a lamp and then puts it under a basket. Instead, a lamp is placed on a stand, where it gives light to everyone in the house. In the same way, let your good deeds shine out for all to see, that everyone will praise your heavenly Father.” – Samuel Rodriguez (Matthew 5: 12-16)

“We do not seek to impose our way of life on anyone, but rather let it shine as an example. We will shine for everyone to follow.” – President Trump

Trump is copying the language that Jesus used, stealing His instruction to the church and using it as an appeal to Americans. Trump uses deliberately messianic language to extol the virtues of American cultural imperialism (which people really ought to be more outraged about), and to suggest that said superiority is born of good works which Americans intrinsically do. So yeah, completely missing the point of the Gospel.


Epilogue

Trump is setting up his presidency as one possessed of an almost divine mandate to elevate America above other countries. But why? I mean aside from sheer narcissism, aside from the obvious benefits of having a deity’s backing. What is Trump’s game in all of this?

Trump’s game in all of this (maybe):

If folk are convinced that there is a clear divine consensus that Americans are special and that more people need to be like Americans, Trump is giving himself a platform from which to justifiably reject all migration to America, to build his wall, and to convince Americans that other people, other cultures, other countries should matter much less to the average American. If successful, he undercuts criticism that his policy of ‘America First’ is big league selfish. He gives a holy confirmation to his ruthless stances on foreign aid and trade and relations.

More than this, Trump is placing himself centre stage in the narrative he’s writing – as the suffering but eternally triumphant all-American messiah who will deliver his people out from the liberal wilderness and into the promised land of America being great again. He’s hijacking the nominal religious sentiment of much of his country and redirecting it for his political purposes to get people to believe in an American supremacist vision of the future, with himself at the helm. Nominal Christians in the country who feel their identities and values to be under threat, who have pinned their hopes upon a return to a mythical ‘Christian America’, will have soft hearts to this sort of rhetoric.

Me, griping

It’d be fair to say that the inaugural abuse of scripture entirely got my goat. I will happily enjoy Trump’s antics from across the water but seriously man, decide who you’re going to be. Are you going to be the locker-room-boy, the misogynist, the racist, the obsessively-best-at-everything, the national guilty pleasure? Or are you going to be America’s Christian messiah, America’s holy warrior? It’s clear to anyone with half a conception of what Christians are and what the Bible says that Trump is as far from Jesus as I am from being President. Breaking the record for Most Religious Leaders At An Inauguration doesn’t make you the most Christian President ever. If Trump had read a Bible, he’d know how utterly repellent his behaviour is to the demographic he’s trying to woo. It’s almost funny – he’s trying to use Christianity to convince America that national selfishness is God’s design for their country. I suppose it’s what people want to believe.

Trump-directed outrage is nothing new. My most major beef is with the church leaders who won’t quit playing along. I mean, rain as a sign of God’s blessing. srsly. If you’re an Old Testament prophet, it’s your job to denounce the political regime of the day, to awaken the nations to their sin, to drive them to repentance, and to encourage those who remain faithful to God to live in submissive opposition to the sin of their governments. I didn’t expect church leaders to denounce America’s sins on inauguration day. But I also didn’t expect them to use the Scriptures to prop up Trump’s Gospel in which America is sinless, America is God’s chosen nation, and Trump is the new national messiah.

On social media and the decline of democracy

The following is an entirely non-academic adaptation of an academic essay I had to write recently. Just so you know that there used to be, like, evidence in here somewhere.

When you think about it, the future is actually now. Digital portals to unlimited information are right there in our pockets, part of our everyday.

Is it a difficult thing to believe? All of that constant, glowing noise has changed us. Our brains are trying to play catch-up, trying to figure out how to deal with a world in which every piece of knowledge is only a handful of taps away, all the time. Now that social media are becoming the primary way in which we access our news, I am led to consider a few serious questions: If how we access information has changed, has how we come to believe what we believe changed with it? If how we form beliefs has changed in ways we aren’t aware of, can we still trust the idea of democracy? It’s a massively important thing to consider. When we voted in the EU referendum, our beliefs mattered in a huge, international way. When we vote in the US presidential election, the things we believe about Trump and Clinton will matter. Before we participate in democracy, we ought to understand how our beliefs will have been moulded by months of coverage and digital opinions – by the noise shining out of the screens in our pockets.

It’s easy to forget it, but social media platforms organise everything that comes up on your screen, almost without you noticing. Consider: When we ‘like’ something on Facebook, we are telling Facebook that we want to see more of the same – more from that person, more opinions from that author, more news from that outlet. Simply watching a video on YouTube tells YouTube to provide us with a lattice of appealing videos from similar authors expressing similar sentiments. The problem with this is simple – the information we are most likely to digest is drawn from an ever-narrowing pool each time we use social media. The system is subtly rigged to channel us away from the exhaustive mental labour of having our beliefs challenged by unfamiliar viewpoints. This wouldn’t be an issue if we were all perfectly rational beings, able to sort the proverbial wheat from the proverbial chaff and vigilant enough to give every piece of content the critical once-over. Unfortunately, our brains do lazy things. For one, we are all susceptible to the Confirmation Bias – which means that we are more likely to seek information and opinions we will agree with, and more likely to block out opposing views. Social media, then, streamlines the information we will access most based on our pre-existing tendencies, an effect which (as social media becomes more dominant) will combine with our mental laxities to create a personal echo chamber for every citizen, in which our beliefs are bounced back to us and reinforced on the rebound, in which we are rarely required to think rationally about whether said beliefs make the best possible logical sense. You can see the problem forming – can we rely on a democracy in which we are discouraged from challenging our beliefs?

A reader may here raise an entirely reasonable objection. People espousing controversial viewpoints on social media are fairly unmissable – surely the thousands of instances of passionate ideological debate in the comments constitute exposure enough to opposing beliefs. Unfortunately, social media debates typically do not have the intent or effect of promoting belief rationality. The goal of debating a fellow social media user is (most often) to prove them wrong, and the effect of such a debate is polarisation. There is a large catalogue of research on social media activity which notes that debates on social media platforms are most frequently characterised by incoherence, emotional testimony, and an inability to achieve the common ground. As we are all no doubt aware, the most common outcome of a Facebook debate is unresolved hostility and an implacable faith that the other person is wrong. If the rational challenging of our beliefs requires a willingness to accept that those beliefs might be improved through interrogation from another, then social media do not prove conducive to meeting this democratic standard. Opposing viewpoints are shouted down in a manner which trades a detached, passionate interest in truth for the chance to be a victor of a righteous crusade against someone who believes a different thing. Unsurprisingly, a Pew Research Center study recently found that people on social media are less likely to share their own opinion if they deem that it will be hated upon. Rather than feeling able to express their convictions and seek out opposing views for the rational sharpening of their beliefs, social media users feel censored by the constraints of socially acceptable opinion. And so the pool of differing online viewpoints shrinks further. Despite their promise as an ideal democratic forum, social media seem to produce conflict and intolerance rather than the rational deliberation which democracy requires of us.

In 2016, the issue of digital belief formation has become significantly more pressing. Consider the media circus surrounding Trump – a politician who seemingly seeks to provoke outrage in order for his name to be clicked on. Consider the misleading, fearmongering soundbites released by both campaigns in the EU referendum – predictions of fresh World War, false promises of a cash-redirect to the NHS, posters telling of the unstoppable tide of immigrants into our country. Consider the unassuming fact that all of these flashpoint, memorable images, opinions, media-saturated cultural moments – they all pass daily before our eyes. We have grown depended on constant digital stimuli, and it’s now truly difficult to maintain the vigilance required to be critical and to keep the democratic commandment of examining the rationality of our beliefs.

It is our democratic duty to be as well informed as possible, but the heavily filtered access to digital information we enjoy, when combined with the fact of our cognitive laziness, is a concoction which will prove unhealthy for the ongoing prospect of democracy.

I’m advocating that we try to adopt a more vigilant pattern of behaviour when it comes to digital media. We need to learn how to be more vigilant about what we let in to our heads, and equally vigilant in seeking the nuanced truths on the other side of the coin.

On Extremism: Justice, Mercy, and other Heavy Stuff

Now that the dust has settled and the temporary profile pictures have faded away, I figure it’s about time to fire out some of my thoughts on the whole extremism thing.

I started to write this post on the day after Paris was attacked – sitting in my dad’s kitchen, all eyes turned to the news.

Gotta say, my soul was downcast, but downcast chiefly from watching the world react.

Particularly downcast was my soul when one François Hollande appeared, informing us of that France would waste no time dillying, no time dallying, and would retaliate against ISIS swiftly and “mercilessly”. I get, I entirely get that people want ISIS to be punishe, prevented from murdering more people. But do we really mean to become merciless? Merciless as the only solution to the problem of ISIS. Merciless.

On Facebook we quote Martin Luther King Jr., preaching that only light can overcome darkness, only love can overcome hate. In the next breath/status we want to bomb ISIS to smithereens, kill ’em ’til they’re dead! I am aghast, I am deeply upset to my core with the venom, the despise, the hate with which people have mobilised themselves ideologically and emotionally against ISIS.

I mean, can we really afford to be without mercy? Can we intentionally abandon the pursuit of mercy? Worse, can we administer mercy selectively to people? Withhold mercy because they don’t deserve it? Even when ISIS murder us by the hundreds, is it the right response? What’s the right response? Uhmmmmm…not sure. I know that merciless violence is not a route Jesus would take at any rate. Quoth Jesus: we need to entrust all our opportunities for imposing our own brand of justice to Him, and that He will certainly come again and judge all the living and all the dead, and mete out perfect justice, mediated with perfect mercy. We say we want justice, but when it comes and it’s truly impartial, it’s not going to be pretty. And it’s definitely not going to always be on our side. We want to mete out justice as we see fit, to recognise ourselves as wronged, and to make sure our attackers bleed. That’s the basic human drive behind our ISIS-hate and our military social media campaigns. It’s evolutionary, I guess. I understand it, but it’s a bit one-sided. I sympathise, but want a better way of doing things.

Among the terms of our surrender to Jesus is this – we give over all our ideas about ourselves and what we are entitled to entirely to Him. And that means even when we’re wronged, and wronged more in Paris than I can conceive of in my little blog post, when we follow Jesus, to live is Christ and to die is gain. To suffer is somehow counted as a joy, and we find that we gave up our right to avenge at the foot of the cross.

Still, it’s unanswerable. My brother’s girlfriend said, in candour which I respect, that if she’d been in Paris, presented with a gun and an opportunity she’d have had no difficulty in shooting down any of the gunmen, before or after they’d done their deeds. And it’s just really hard to argue with that. And really hard to accept that as anything but fair. So I can’t blame her, just like I can neither blame nor judge Hollande, or anyone who reacts to terrorism with violence. It feels only fair.

Browsing Reddit on that same Saturday, I came across a comment left by an American Muslim under a post asking a [serious] question – what runs through Muslims’ heads on days when extremist attacks are carried out? So this one Internet-goer spent time talking about his irrational need to apologise for attacks like this. “We’re not all like that”. But what struck me like a proverbial tonne of bricks was the closing of his comment – “If I had a button I could press which would eliminate all the violent extremists in the world, I’d press it in an instant”. Needless to say, the popularity of this comment caused me excess worry about the state of the world. This all reminds me of the classic Christian argument against protestations that God doesn’t remove “bad people” from the world, ie. if God did, who’d be left? It’s shades of grey. You start by wanting to remove terrorists, you continue by removing their support network, extremists who are likely to become violent, fundamentalists who are likely to become extremists, people who are likely to become fundamentalists, people.

  • Digression: Yes I know, this was one Reddit comment, not the intricate plans of David Cameron. But the issue remains, glaring and obvious. We see ‘extremism’ as something to be stopped; we see ‘extremists’ as desired/acceptable casualties in military campaigns. A while back David Cameron put in motion a Commonwealth task force to eliminate ‘the scourge of extremism’. Yes, by extremism we mean terrorists. But in my mind at least it’s a gargantuan Freudian slip. We in the West feel threatened by views which don’t espouse our beloved prime doctrine: tolerance. If the present day were a work of fiction, I’d praise the author for how well the villains of the piece are such a perfect and necessary counter to modern, pluralist society. When I hear David Cameron talking about wanting to bathe in the blood of “extremists”, it’s not too hard to anticipate a dystopian, sci-fi future in which tolerance and passivity in all things is enforced, and going against the flow is a criminal offence.

It all goes deeper than support for retaliation, though. If I had a penny for every “f*** ISIS” I read that Saturday. Hate is the canker which will poison our society. We can’t understand ISIS, they are the epitome of intolerance, we hate them, we should make sure they are eliminated. Jesus wants us to live holily – if we hate someone, it’s just as bad as having personally killed them. Hate rots our hearts. Hate will fuel our politicians. What is right is not often relevant to a politician so much as what is popular. Hating ISIS means we bomb Syria, we go to war. The biscuits have rarely been scarier.

So all this is extremely fine and extremely dandy and wonderfully liberal and also really quite conservative at the same time. And I have quite a time of almost believing it.

Truth be told, I’d been delaying revisiting my draft for this post right the way through November, chiefly because I was lacking a counterpoint to my lovely pacifist arguments. I know, right – layers upon layers of delay. After all, the world is convinced that we should bomb ISIS. What makes me think I can know better?

All this until my dear mother provided the antagonistic counterpoint I needed. If I’m so sure at we shouldn’t bomb the living daylights out of ISIS, what do we do about the thousands of innocent people in the Middle East who are being forcibly subjected to the ISIS self-styled caliphate? There is a plethora of people being murdered and raped and pillaged by ISIS – do we not have a responsibility to intervene, to protect them?

Yes. No. I have no earthly idea.

We could try to protect people in the Middle East? But that wouldn’t be terribly effective because, as my mum rightly pointed out, “you can’t ring-fence every town and village in the Middle East!”

And so, here my blog post ends. I still don’t have a good answer. A fitting end – to remind me that all I’m doing here is writing an invisible blog post for my own sake, which won’t solve or change anything. Particularly the UK’s foreign policy.

I guess…in closing I’ll just say that more often than not we care more about what we are seen to be doing than about what we do. And that goes double for politics. Is it not wiser when we don’t have a solution to wait and appear weak, than to jump in headfirst with promises of blood and retribution so that we can appear strong, unified, undaunted? We should be looking for a way to address what makes people into terrorists, rather than hoping a handful of bombs will fix everything.

I think.